The Nunavut Land Claims Agreement Stands Out As The

How could the Inuit, who were only federally justified in 1960 and who were largely semi-nomadic until the early 1960s and had very few formally trained leaders, negotiate with the Canadian government a modern treaty dealing with land rights and political development that literally changed the face of Canada forever? Tagak Curley of the Inuit Tapirisat of Canada brought the Inuit Use and Occupancy Study to the Canadian government. The study showed where Inuit live today and where their ancestors lived. He also recounted how the land is and has been used. Without this evidence, the federal government would not begin negotiating a land claim with the Inuit. Kangikhiteagumaven: A Plain Language Guide to the Nunavut Land Claims Agreement The Nunavut project has also benefited from the personal commitment of federal politicians (although this is difficult to assess). David Crombie, for example, was a strong supporter of Nunavut during his tenure from 1984 to 1986 as Minister of Indian Affairs and Northern Development. His successor, Bill McKnight, obtained cabinet approval for reforms to the fundamental claims policy, which were first proposed by Crombie, including the application of offshore provisions without which the Nunavut agreement could not have been concluded. The terms and conditions of the final agreement provide for a Nunavut Implementation Body, composed of representatives from the federal, territorial and Inuit governments, which “oversees the implementation of the agreement and points the direction to be taken.” Unfortunately, this body proved largely ineffective, in part because the parties did not agree on the nature of the key commitments and because federal officials were unable to make or even adhere to decisions. Despite the unresolved national debate over Aboriginal self-management, the lack of support precedents, and numerous political barriers, Inuit refused to tolerate an agreement that separated land rights from political development. Given their vast majority in the Eastern Arctic, the Inuit conceived of the Nunavut Project as a combination of land rights and autonomy by the division of the Northwest Territories (NWT) to create a territory of Nunavut with its own public government. With the creation of the Inuit Tapirisat of Canada (ITC) as a national representation of Inuit interests and regional Inuit associations in the mid-1970s in 1971, Inuit in northern Quebec, Labrador, the eastern Arctic of the NWT and Beaufort Lake had political institutions and could formulate coherent demands to Canadian governments. Quebec and Newfoundland and Labrador. The Supreme Court of Canada`s 1973 Calder decision on Nisga`a land rights in British Columbia led the Canadian government to renew contract negotiations with Aboriginal people whose land title had not been replaced by law or ceded to the Crown by historic contracts, which was most often the case in British Columbia. the territorial north, northern Quebec and Labrador.

Hydro-Québec`s plans for massive hydroelectric development in the northern part of the province accelerated negotiations on Quebec`s James Bay and Northern Agreement with Inuit and Cree, concluded in 1975. The official path to this revolutionary agreement began in 1973, when a large study was launched to document where inuit lived at the time, where their ancestors lived, how they lived, how they traveled and hunted in the Canadian Arctic. Article 4 of the 1990 Nunavut Agreement reaffirms in principle the “support in principle” of Canada and the NWT for the creation of Nunavut, but “outside the claims process.” It also implies the obligation to hold a territory-wide referendum on the border and to negotiate an agreement on the separation of powers. .

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